The Battle of Hastings, fought on October 14th, 1066, one of the great decisive battles of history, can accurately be described as one of the most important ever fought on English soil. The Norman conquest of England, which it decided, radically shaped English history over the coming centuries and led directly to the Hundred Years War between France and England.
Background
The Norman invasion of England, and the subsequent battle of Hastings, took place over a dispute regarding the rightful heir to the English throne. This dispute had come about because of the political and military weakness of England in the eleventh century. King Ethrelred II of England, had in 1002, married the daughter, Emma of Richard I, duke of Normandy. This political marriage was contracted in order to secure Norman aid in resisting the frequent Viking raids and invasions of England by the Norsemen. However, King Richard I’s ploy was unsuccessful, for in 1013, England fell to the Vikings. The King of Denmark, Sevin Forkbeard, defeated King Ethelred and killed him. Sevin’s successor, Cnut, ruled until 1035, when he died. His two sons both claimed the English throne; Harold I, an illegitimate son of Cnut by a mistress of Cnut, and Harthacnut, the legitimate son of Cnut, who was ruling Denmark. Harold I died in 1040, and upon his death, Harthacnut took the throne, only to likewise perish in 1042. As neither one of these kings had fathered any children, the throne now passed to King Ethelred’s son, Edward the Confessor, who until now had been dwelling in exile in Normandy. King Edward married the daughter of Godwin, the most powerful earl in England, whose position went to his son Harold upon his death. Harold now became one of the most important and powerful nobles in England, and the chief advisor of King Edward.[1] Harold began to loom large as the natural choice to succeed the childless Edward.

Duke William of Normandy, known to history as William the Conqueror
But Harold’s potential path to the throne of England was not without obstacles. At least two other men believed that they had a right to that throne. One of them was Harald Hardrada, the King of Norway, and the other was William the Conqueror, as he would become known. William was the illegitimate son of Duke Robert I of Normandy through his mistress Herleva. Duke Robert I was the grandson of Richard I of Normandy, whose daughter had married King Ethelred of England in 1002, as we have seen. This family descent thus gave Duke William a claim to the English throne, a claim that was strengthened by the fact that he had King Edward the Confessor’s backing in the form of a promise that was given to him in 1052 when he visited England. Duke William’s star began to rise as he defeated the King of France and the French at Mortemer and Varaville, and quelled an insurrection by William of Arques, one of his barons. In these military operations, Duke William gained experience in military leadership and in the use of cavalry. In 1063, Harold went to Normandy, for the cause of either bringing back English hostages held in Normandy, or to assure William that the English throne would be his upon the death of Edward. But his ship went off course and aground at Pontif. A fisherman of that region, witnessing this, went to the count of Pontif, named Guy, and offered to deliver Harold into his hands. Guy agreed to this, knowing that a prisoner such as Harold would fetch a hefty ransom.[2] Guy thus seized Harold and held him at Abbeville, but Harold managed to write a message to Duke William, asking for help, and promising to do whatever William wished in return, should he help Harold escape from captivity. William was only too happy to help, but he had ulterior motives. The crafty Norman wished to wring from Harold the throne of England and believed that if he could get Harold into his power this could be accomplished. Therefore, he bribed Count Guy to let Harold go, and Harold was thus transferred to the power of the duke of Normandy. William feigned friendship, and entertained the English noble with great honor, taking him to tournaments, clothing him with apparel befitting one of his rank and station, supplying him with horses and weapons, and with friendly and flattering speech, got Harold to agree to help him obtain the English throne, in return for which William would give Harold one of his daughters in marriage. But William was not going to stake something as serious as the throne of England on Harold’s word alone. He wanted something more concrete. Harold would need to swear to the agreement and bind himself to its terms by an oath. Calling a council of the Norman barons, William intended for Harold to swear publicly to the terms of their agreement and do homage to him as the next in line to the English throne. There was no way Harold could refuse. Though William had cloaked their relationship in the guise of friendship, Harold was technically William’s prisoner, and despite the friendliness of William, Harold knew it. Edward Creasey relates:
Kneeling down, Harold placed his hands between those of the duke, and repeated the solemn form by which he acknowledged the duke as his lord, and promised to him fealty and true service.[3]
But even with this public pledge William was not satisfied. He wanted to make absolutely sure that Harold would keep his oath. To this end, he had collected all the supposed bones of the saints and the holy relics that were kept in the monasteries and churches in England, and had them all placed in a chest, which was placed in the council room and covered with a gold cloth, on top of which was placed a missal. William now addressed Harold:
“Harold, I require thee, before this noble assembly, to confirm by oath the promises which thou hast made me, to assist me in obtaining the crown of England after King Edward’s death, to marry my daughter Adela, and to send me thy sister, that I may give her in marriage to one of my barons.”[4]
Harold now approached the missal and laid his shaking hand upon it. He then swore, “…and promised upon his oath to take to take Ele to wife, and to deliver up England to the duke, and to do all in his power, according to his might and wit, after the death of Edward, if he should live, so help him God and the holy relics there!”[5] When Harold had risen to his feet, Duke William lifted the missal and cloth from off the chest and showed Harold the relics and bones upon which he had sworn. “And Harold,” Creasey informs us, “was sorely alarmed at the sight.”[6] Having obtained what he wanted, William now permitted Harold to depart, urging him to be true to his word. With a kiss of “good faith and friendship,”[7] Wace reported, he was sent on his way, and Harold returned to England.
Death of Edward the Confessor and Coronation of Harold
A short time later, Edward the Confessor died on January 5th, 1066. On his deathbed, he nominated Harold as his successor, and on January 7th, Harold was anointed King of England, receiving the golden crown, scepter, and that ancient symbol of Anglo-Saxon royalty, the battle-axe.[8] Anglo-Saxon England like Norman France was Roman Catholic in its religion, and both Harold and William were devout Catholics. But despite his faith, Harold did not consider himself bound to the promises he had made to William to give him the throne, or to the oaths he had sworn atop the bones and relics of the saints of the Catholic faith, which were believed to be holy and to possess miraculous powers. Harold had made his promises and oaths to William under duress, and he thus did not feel that they bound him. Also, he did not think that he had the right to go against the will of the English nation, which was bestowing upon him the kingship. And so, he accepted the crown, and was formally coronated on Easter of 1066.
Duke William was out hunting when he heard the news that Edward the Confessor was dead, and that Harold was now king of England. When he heard the news, he became “as a man enraged…”[9], furious over what he believed was the betrayal of Harold. A messenger was soon sent to England to remind Harold of his oath, but Harold was firm in his refusal to honor it. He replied to the messenger:
“It is true that I took an oath to William; but I took it under constraint: I promised what did not belong to me—what I could not in any hold: my royalty is not my own; I could not lay it down against the will of my country, nor can I against the will of my country take a foreign wife. As for my sister, whom the duke claims that he will marry her to one of his chiefs, she had died within the year, would he have me send him her corpse?”[10]
Not receiving the answer he wanted, William sent a second messenger, who received a similar answer, and William realized that Harold was remaining obstinate and firm in his refusal to turn the throne over to William. William realized that if reminding Harold of the oaths he had sworn would not work, he would have to obtain the English crown by force of arms. Duke William now published his version of events throughout all Christendom accusing Harold of bad faith and of perjury and announced his intention to cross the English channel and invade England before the year was out.[11] He was willing to let the Roman Catholic church arbitrate between the claims of the two men, but Harold refused to be let the pope decide between them, and so the settling of the dispute by force of arms was the only recourse left to William. Though Harold would not consent to it, the pope and cardinals formally examined the claims of the two men anyway and ruled in favor of William.[12]
Preparation for War
William now resolved to invade England and take the crown he believed rightfully his by force of arms. Throughout the summer and autumn of 1066, preparations were carried on vigorously and relentlessly for the expedition in his dukedom and in the territories of his vassals and allies. Wace records of William:
He got together carpenters, smiths, and other workmen, so that great stir was seen at all the ports of Normandy, in the collecting of wood and materials, cutting of planks, framing of ships and boats, stretching sails, and rearing masts, with great pains and at great cost. They spent all one summer and autumn in fitting up the fleet and collecting the forces; and there was no knight in the land, no good serjeant, archer, nor peasant of stout heart, and of age for battle, that the duke did not summon to go to England…[13]
“Good pay and broad lands to everyone who will serve Duke William with spear, with sword, and bow,” was announced by everyone, and men flocked to his banner, which had been blessed by the pope himself.[14] The Catholic clergy throughout Europe proclaimed William’s expedition as a virtual crusade, a holy war, and a grateful William promised to conquer England in the name of St. Peter. The news of William’s planned expedition traveled far, and men flocked from all over Europe to serve under William whose skills as a knight and general were known far and wide. Apparently not heeding the expression, probably not yet coined, not to count one’s chickens before they hatched, William divided up the lands of England in fiefdoms to his Norman knights. “This Harold has not the strength of mind to promise the least of those things that belong to me.” He said, “But I have the right to promise that which is mine, and also that which belongs to him. He must be the victor who can give away both his own and that which belongs to the foe.”[15] William’s army comprised 60,000 men, 50,000 of whom were knights, and 10,000 of whom were soldiers of less noble standing. To transport this large army, William had at his disposal 400 masted ships and 1,000 transports anchored at the mouth of the Dive, a little river between the Seine and the Orme. Among his knights were Eustace, Count of Boulougne, Hugh d’Etaples, Guillaume d’Evreux, Georffrey de Rotou, Roger de Beaumont, Guillaume de Warenne, Roger de Montgomerie, Hugh de Grantmesnil, Charles Martel, and Rene, a monk who joined the expedition on the promise that he would receive an English bishopric.[16] It was not until September before the expedition could embark due to contrary winds blowing from the northwest. William spent this time in organizing and discipling his army. In the meantime, Harold’s Anglo-Saxon Navy, at Sandwich, was out of operation due a lack of provisions. His army was an entirely different matter, but Harold’s attentions on the southern coast were suddenly diverted by news from the north.
The Norwegian army of King Harald Hardrada had invaded England from the north. Hardrada believed he too had a claim to the English throne. His claim was based on his being the heir to King Cnut of Denmark. The Norwegians, embarked in a fleet of five hundred strong, landed at Orkneys, and then at Yorkshire. At York, a fierce battle was fought between the forces of two English earls, the governors of Northumbria and the Norwegians. The latter were victorious, and York was compelled to surrender to the forces of Hardrada. Upon hearing this news, King Harold was obliged to leave his position on the southern coast of England and march with his army north to engage King Harald. Marching day and night, Harold managed to cover the distance to Yorkshire in four days. Relieving Yorkshire the next day, September 24th, he pressed his forces on to Stamford Bridge where the Norwegians had encamped the Derwent River. Here on the 25th, he took them utterly by surprise, for not expecting the English so soon, they had not posted sentries and were not wearing their heavy armor. In the battle that followed, the English at length broke through the Norwegian shield wall and inflicted a dreadful slaughter upon the Norsemen. King Harald Hardrada and many of his best warriors were slain. It was the end of the Viking age, and a great victory for the Anglo-Saxons, who decisively repulsed the threat from Norway, and never again did the Vikings from Scandinavia ever invade England again.
But the victory for the Saxons had not been cheap. Many of his best officers and men had fallen at Stamford Bridge, and Harold’s army had been badly chewed up.
The Norman Landing
Meanwhile the wind had shifted from the northwest to the west, in response to Norman prayers. The Norman fleet now set sail, spearheaded by William’s own ship, which carried a light in her masthead to illuminate the way for the other ships. William was champing at the bit to put his feet on English soil and was anxious to get there. The wind remained to the invaders’ advantage; it was strong enough to blow the Norman ships across the channel, but not strong enough to capsize the thousand heavily loaded transports jam packed with horses, armor, and materiel.[17] As seen in the direction of the wind, the Providence of God was favoring the Normans and their conquest of England, for God was shaping the history of the British Isles for his purposes in the earth and for his glory. In God’s plan for world history, unknown to the Normans and the Saxons, but clearly seen in hindsight to us in the 21rst Century, England was to play a prominent part, and God was directing its history. The prow of Duke William’s ship touched English soil at 9:00 am on September 28th, 1066, and William eagerly leapt ashore. So doing, he stumbled and fell, muddying his gauntlets in the process. Exclamations of distress and horror arose from the men at arms in the boats, who superstitiously regarded William’s accident as an evil omen. But William had a different view of the matter. “See, seigniors,” he cried, “by the splendor of God! I have been seized England with my own two hands; and so far, as it reaches, it is now mine and yours.” It was expected at any moment to see Harold’s army arrive on the scene to contest the landing. Accordingly, the army’s archers went ashore first, each man with his bow and quiver at the ready, forming up in ranks to cover the landing. The men at arms in the boats had donned armor, ready for a sharp battle. But that battle did not come, and the archers patrolled the beach in vain. The knights now landed, forming up on the shore, their swords buckled on. On horseback, they advanced, lances raised. The carpenters went ashore first and set themselves to the task of establishing a bridgehead on English soil. Consulting with one another, they discovered a good place for a fortress, and went to work building a wooden castle, the materials and lumber for which they had transported with them in the ships. Indeed, they had brought the materials and lumber for three such castles. When the castle was completed, they placed their stores within, and then rested, eating and drinking.
The next day, the Norman army marched along the seashore to the town of Hastings, where nearby, on sloping ground, Duke William established his camp, and the two remaining wooden castles were erected. Some of his subordinates, encouraged by the lack of resistance from King Harold, were eager to push on inland in search for the Saxons, but Duke William knew that such an inland advance would cut him off from his source of retreat should be defeated in battle, and instead he sent bodies of cavalry pillaging over the countryside, knowing that news of this would reach Harold, and induce him to seek battle on ground of William’s choosing. The cavalry now overran the countryside, pillaging the houses of the inhabitants and putting the thatched roof structures to the torch. The people fled, driving their cattle before them, and some tried to hide in the cemeteries, only to be found and put to the sword by the Normans.[18]

King Harold receives news of the Norman invasion
The Saxon Response
The news reached Harold at York as he and his army were celebrating their victory over the Norwegians. “The Normans are come!” The messenger cried, “They have landed at Hastings! Thy land they will wrest will from thee, if thou canst not defend thyself well; they have enclosed a fort and strengthened it round with palisades and a fosse.” Harold was in extremely high spirits, but they probably dampened on this news. Indeed, Harold was disappointed by the way Providence had orchestrated things to send him up north to deal with the Norwegians and thus allow William to gain a foothold in Southern England. Harold said:
Sorry am I, that I was not there at their arrival. It is a sad mischance. I had better…had been at the port when William reached the coast and had disputed his landing. We might then have driven so many into the sea when William reached the coast, and had disputed his landing, nor have touched ought of ours: neither would they have missed death on land, if they had escaped the dangers of the sea. But thus, it has pleased the heavenly king, and I could not be everywhere at once.”[19]
Upon hearing the news, King Harold at once hastened south to meet the Norman threat. Only a small number of soldiers could accompany him on that forced march, because his army was still resting and licking its wounds after the victory, they had won at Stamford Bridge. Harold was well aware he needed a larger army before he could take the field against Duke William and when he arrived at London to organize his forces, he summoned the men at arms from his southern and midland counties, allowing for no excuse to keep them from hearkening to his banner but sickness.[20] He also gave orders to reassemble his fleet off the coast of Sussex, 700 strong. Harold’s summons was promptly obeyed by the citizens of his realm and his arrival in London was gladly received, for in his brief reign he had become quite a well-liked king, “…just and wise…affable to all men, active for the good of his country…”[21] Word soon reached Duke William that Harold was assembling his army at London, and dispatched to him a monk named Huon Margot, “a learned man, well known and much valued.”[22] Margot arrived at London and addressed Harold:
“Harold! Hearken to me! I am a messenger ye from whom! The duke tells thee, by my mouth, that thou hast too soon forgotten the oath, which thou didst but lately take to him in Normandy, and that thou hast forsworn thyself. Repair the wrong, and restore him the crown and lordship, which are not thine by ancestry; for thou art neither king by heritage, nor through any man of thy lineage. King Edward of his free will and power, gave his land and realm to his best kinsman William. He gave this gift as he had a right to do, to the best man he had. He gave it in full health before his death, and if he did wrong, thou didst not forbid it, nay, thou didst assent, and warrant and swear to maintain it. Deliver him his land, do justice, lest greater damage befall thee. No such hosts can assemble as thou and he must combat with, without great cost and heavy loss; and thus, there will be mischief to both sides. Restore the kingdom that thou hast seized! Woe betide thee if thou shalt endeavor to hold it!”[23]
Proud and unyielding, Harold was incensed at the words of Margot, and was only prevented from doing ill to him by the interposition of his brother Gurth, who sent Margot back to William. Harold now chose his own messenger, who knew the French language and sent him to William with the following message:
… “I desire he will not remind me of my covenant nor of my oath; if I ever foolishly made it and promised him anything, I did it for my liberty. I swore in order to get my freedom; whatever he asked I agreed to; and I ought not to be reproached, for I did nothing of my own free will. The strength was all on his side, and I feared that unless I did him pleasure, I should never return, but should have remained there forever. If I have done him any wrong, I will make recompence. If he want any of my wealth, I will give it according to my ability. I will refit all his ships and give them safe conduct; but if he refuse this offer, tell him for a truth, that if he wait for me so long, I will on Saturday seek him out, and on that day do battle with him.”[24]
While these messages were being exchanged between Harold and William, Harold continued to reorganize his army. He found that his army had been grievously hurt by his victory at Stamford Bridge. Many of his best officers and men had been slain there. Under the circumstances it would have been best to wait for the whole armed militia of the kingdom to arrive at London and be organized into the army, which would give Harold an army far larger in numerical strength than William’s. But Harold was champing at the bit to engage William in battle, and the reports of the depredations of Norman cavalry over the countryside stuck in his craw, and rather than waiting for the whole armed strength of the kingdom to arrive and join themselves to his force, he resolved to sally out to do battle after only six days. The threat of papal excommunication was not one to take lightly in the eleventh century, and mindful of this, as well as the fact that Harold had indeed sworn an oath, whatever coercion may have been involved, Gurth suggested to Harold that he stay behind, while Gurth led the army to battle against Duke William. After all, he pointed out, he and the others were fighting off a foreign invasion and had sworn no oath to hand over the kingdom to a Norman duke, so that their cause was a just and righteous one. But Harold would not listen to his brother, for he replied that he would not stand back while others fought for him, lest he be thought a coward.
A practical man, Gurth next suggested that the army, considering its numerical inferiority to the Normans, and their weakened state after the battle of Stamford Bridge, rather than seek open battle, fall back upon London and await reinforcements, while they laid waste to the surrounding countryside to deprive the Normans of forage and provisions and the Saxon Navy cut off the Normans supply line back to Normandy. When this occurred, the Normans would have no alternative but to lay siege to London, as they would be no longer able to campaign in the country, and Harold could have let disease and famine whittle down his opponents while his army defended the city.[25] It seemed good advice and his captains all agreed that Gurth’s advice was the best, But Harold was overconfident after his victory at Stamford Bridge and full of contempt for the Normans, and besides this, he was too good a ruler to be willing to subject his subjects to the hurt that a scorched earth policy would inflict upon them.
Confident of success, Harold offered Duke William a large sum of money if he would leave England without any more bloodshed. But William mocked the offer, and now sent a messenger of his own to King Harold granting him three choices: one, the resignation of the English throne and marriage to his daughter, two, agree to have the matter arbitrated by the pope, or three, decide the issue in single combat. Harold sent back the message that he would do none of the three. “The God of battles will soon be the greatest arbiter of all our difficulties,” He replied. After six days, Harold’s army marched out of London and through Southern England, until they reached Senlac Hill, and thereupon Harold’s army made camp, surrounding it with a fosse, with only three entrances, all of which were guarded.[26]
Prelude
Both sides were on their toes that night and maintained a vigilant guard, for both expected a night attack by the other. In the morning, Harold and Gurth went out to reconnoiter the Norman camp. On two warhorses, and with personal weapons, they rode to a hill from where they had a good view of the Norman camp. Seeing the numerous wooden huts, tents, pavilions and banners, neighing horses, and glittering armor, they observed the numerical strength of the Normans, and Harold began to have second thoughts about his decision not to await reinforcements but to offer battle after only six days. It now seemed like a rash and hasty decision, and spoke to Gurth: “Brother, yonder are many people, and the Normans are very good knights and well used to bear arms. What say you? What do you advise?” With so great a host against us, I dare not otherwise than fall back upon London. I will return thither and assemble a larger army.” But Gurth knew it was too late for that. Bitterly, he criticized Harold for not heeding his advice earlier, and told him that to fall back now would be interpreted as cowardly by the nation. No, it was too late. Harold would have to stand and fight. He must have had a good relationship with his brother, because Gurth was extremely bitter in his reply and called Harold a baseless coward. Naturally, Harold didn’t like that, and the two men nearly came to blows, but kept their cool when they returned to their camp.
That day, the 13th of October, Duke William made his final offer, through the Norman monk Huon Margot, promising that if Harold turned over the kingdom to him, he would allow the English king to retain all the land beyond the Humber, but if Harold refused this offer, William told the monk, “thou shalt tell him, before all his people, that he is a perjurer and a liar, that he, and all who support him, are excommunicated by the mouth of the pope; and that the bull to that effect is in my hands.” When this message was delivered to Harold’s camp, the resolve of Harold’s followers wavered, just as William intended. It was no small matter to be excommunicated by the Roman Church, and Harold’s men murmured and discussed the matter with each other, alarmed by the news. But when Gurth saw that their resolve was wavering, he spoke to the English officers, reminding them that they had no choice but to fight. “What we have to consider is not whether we shall accept and receive a new lord as if our king were dead,” he informed them, because Duke William had parceled out all their lands to his barons, and knights, and thus they had as much stake in this battle as Harold did. This was not a dispute between Harold and William merely, he told them, but it was the self-defense of their lands and titles from Duke William who wished to take them away from them. The words of Gurth stirred the English to action, and with one voice, they swore by God that they would drive the Normans from English soil or die in the attempt. All attempts to negotiate had now ended, and Duke William announced to his troops that tomorrow battle would be joined. The Saxons too knew that the morrow would be the day of battle. Time was not on the Norman side, for time brought reinforcements to Harold’s banner, and it was incumbent upon William to crush Harold’s army while it was still smaller than his own. Both sides thus knew by that evening that tomorrow would be the day of decision. That evening was spent by the Normans in preparing for the battle, stringing bows, filling quivers, fitting helmets, and armor, straightening lances, and readying saddles and stirrups.[27] Two bishops, Odo, of Bayeux and Geoffrey of Coutances went among the troops, taking confessions, and giving the Catholic mass. On the English side, the atmosphere was much less solemn; the troops passed the time in merriment, drinking large quantities of ale, laughing, carousing, and singing old Saxon songs.
The Norman Advance
When the morning of October 14th dawned, Duke William arose early, heard mass, and took communion. After a morale raising speech by William to his nobles and chief knights, the Norman army marched from its camp at Hastings to seek battle. King Harold was too shrewd of a tactician to attack the English. He drew up his army instead on a rising mound, Senlac Hill, which was protected on both flanks and in front by deep trenches. Harold was well aware that the majority of William’s army was made up of Norman cavalry, while of that type of soldier he had but little. Therefore, he chose the ground which he occupied with care, designed to nullify as much as possible the Norman advantage in cavalry, which he lacked. Harold’ s army comprised roughly 8,500 men. Had he lingered at London and collected his forces, he could have greatly increased the size of his army, but due to his haste, only those from areas near London were able to answer his call in time. Of his men, some 5,500 were local militia, peasants, and serfs. Lacking the money for proper armor and weapons, they were armed with pikes, pitchforks, assorted farming tools, and anything else that would cut flesh, or shatter bone. The cream of the crop of Harold’s army was his huscarls, from London and Kent, the oath sworn bodyguard and standing army of the Saxon kingdom of England. These men wore coats of mail and carried triangular shaped shields. Their weapons were javelins, swords, but mostly and especially, battle-axes, heavy weapons whose blows could decapitate a horse, much less a man. Harold placed his huscarls in front, presenting a shield wall to the Norman front. Behind them he placed the peasant soldiers, whose lack of armor was compensated for, not only by the shields of the huscarls, but by a barricade of wood set up in front of the huscarls to supplement the work of the shields. It would be tough obstacle for the Norman cavalry to break through. Indeed, if the Saxons could retain formation, it would be nearly impossible for the Normans to do so.
Harold knew this and commanded his barons and soldiers to keep together in a solid mass. “The Normans,” he pressed upon his troops, “are good vassals, valiant on foot and on horseback; good knights are they on horseback, and well used to battle. All is lost if they once penetrate our ranks.” In the center, he placed his standard, studded with precious stones, and fringed with gold, as well as the national flag of Saxon England, with the yellow dragon emblazoned on it. Harold dismounted and took his place in the center of his formation, with his brothers Gurth, already mentioned, and Leofwin. With battle-axe in hand, he resolved to conquer or die, and no one could ever accuse the Saxon king of personal cowardice.
William divided his army into three lines. The first line was led by Roger De Montgomerie and was made of archers and light infantry. The second line, which was comprised of heavily armored men at arms, was led by Charles Martel, and the third was commanded by William himself and was composed entirely of Norman cavalry. The length of this line extended far beyond the length of the other two.[28] Plate armor had not yet been invented; the Norman knights were clad in coats of mail, and sat in saddles with high backs and pommels, to enable the rider to better keep his seat. As the Normans marched from their camp, they kept in close ranks, and retained formation. As they crested a hill, they came in sight of the Saxon army, which lay across a desolate plain to their front. Taillefer, William’s minstrel, rode in the van of the army, singing the Song of Roland, tossing his sword in the air and catching it with his hand. As the Normans marched across the field, and neared the Saxons, both sides prepared for combat, raising shields, lances, and bows.
The First Norman Attack
The first blow of the battle was struck by Taillefer, the minstrel, who asked in return for his fine service to William that he be allowed to strike the opening blow of the engagement. William granted the request, and Taillefer put his horse to a gallop, and reaching the Saxon line before the rest of the Normans, ran a Saxon through with his spear. Then drawing his sword, the minstrel slew a second man, before the Saxons cut him down. From a Christian standpoint, we can only say that Taillefer’s deed, while valorous, was also foolhardy, for the honor he thus gained was purchased at the cost of his life, and the sixth commandment demands that we not be reckless with our own life, but that, even in warfare, we do not hazard it unnecessarily and for no good reason. Being the first man to strike a blow in battle does not count as a good reason. Behind them came the first of the Norman lines, the division comprising the light infantry, and the archers and slingers of William’s army. Their job was to cover the light infantry as they made their attack. But the Saxons had their own archers and slingers, and some of them had javelins. Clouds of missiles from both sides now filled the air, as both sides discharged their weapons at one another.
The Norman archers and slingers were known to be very good at their work, but their skill was not enough to overcome their tactical disadvantage. They were shooting from lower ground at an enemy on higher ground that was protected by a wooden palisade and a shield wall, and the palisade absorbed many of the Norman missiles and the Saxons covered themselves with their shields to ward off others. Thus, Norman archery was generally ineffective. On the other hand, the Saxon archers and slingers, and the siege machines in the rear of the army that lobbed great stones in support, had much greater success, The unarmored archers and slingers had little protection against the Saxon missiles, and the Saxons, unlike their Norman counterparts, were not at a tactical disadvantage. They poured in a hail of missiles that struck down the Normans in great numbers. Undaunted, the light infantry pressed on, only to be pierced through by the Saxon javelins which the latter tossed among them, and reaching the palisade, endeavored to tear it up and break open a gap that the Norman cavalry could get through. It was now close enough for hand-to-hand combat, and the Saxons used their hand-held weapons to defend their fortification from the Normans who endeavored to break it down. The Normans fell in large numbers, and William, observing that his lightly armed infantry was having little effect against the palisade, recalled them.
The Norman Cavalry Charges
But what the light infantry could not do, William was sure his heavy infantry could, and the second line now went in against the Saxons. All across the front, the heavy infantry pressed forwards against the Saxon formation, advancing over the hillside now strewn with the bodies of their comrades, pierced through and through by Saxon javelin and arrow. Up the hill struggled the heavy infantry, only to fall victim to the same fate as the light infantry before them. They too failed to breach the palisade and were forced to fall back.
But what the infantry could not do, William was sure his cavalry could. He was extremely skillful and experienced in the use of horsemen, and the lion’s share of his army was made up of this type of soldier. The third line of Duke William’s force now thundered forward to attack. In their center, Duke William himself rode, mounted on a Spanish warhorse, with his brother Odo, the bishop of Bayeux at his side. The priest was armed with a heavy mace rather than a sword, because the law of the Catholic church did not allow priests to shed blood. They could bludgeon their foes, but they could draw their blood with a bladed weapon. William was bound by no such legalistic restraints, not being a priest, but he was armed with a heavy mace as well.
William’s cavalry charge was excellently delivered, and his cavalrymen were not wanting in courage, but this charge nevertheless failed as well. As they swept on up the hill, the arrows and javelins of the Saxons fell upon them thickly, and horses and men went down in great numbers. Unwavering, the Normans pressed on and reached the palisade. But the Saxon huscarls were undaunted by the shock of the mounted knights, the length of their lances and their heavy coats of mail. The advantage of being mounted was counterbalanced by the Saxons being on higher ground, and with their battle axes the huscarls delivered fearful and terrible sweeping blows that did dreadful execution among the knights. Indeed, when the axe head came down, so powerful and heavy was the blow that the blade often cleaved through both horse and rider with one stroke. To make matters worse, most of the blows resulted in fatalities among the knights; there were not many wounded, due to the terrible damage to flesh, muscle, and bone that the battle-axe inflicted. The sweeping heavy blows of the huscarls axes cleaved through mail coats and helmet alike, and the ground in front of the Saxon line was soon strewn thickly with dead men and horses. But while the action was one-sided, it was not completely so. The Saxons were definitely having the better of the engagement, but they were taking losses too. The act of swinging the axe in heavy two-handed blows exposed the neck and upper body of the axe wielder, and many of the knights were able to pierce their foes with their long lances while thus vulnerable. But such successes were not enough, and the Norman cavalry were obliged to give way and fall back down the hill.
The Saxons now raised a great shout, exultant over the success that they were having thus far. As the Normans retreated, the Saxons on the right flank of the Saxon line, disregarding the orders of Harold to remain in formation, rushed from behind the palisade and pursued the Normans. The Normans had taken fearful losses, and as the Norman left fell back in disorder, the panic spread to the center of the Norman line. The whole Norman line began to waver, and in parts to give way. Confusion reigned and morale plummeted as a rumor swept through the Norman ranks that Duke William had fallen. But William was not down, and he was not out. His resolve and grit undaunted by the calamities that had so far befallen his army, he rode throughout his men, exhorting, commanding, directing, and even threatening them when necessary. To quell the rumor that he was not hurt, he fearlessly rode along with his bare head exposed, his helmet in his hand. “I am here! Look at me!” He cried. “I live, and by God’s help, shall conquer!” His personal addresses did the trick, and he managed to rally his shaken troops, assisted by his brother Odo. His troops, now rallied, now turned upon the Saxons that had so foolishly disregarded the strenuous commands of King Harold to remain in formation. From the top of the hill, King Harold and his two brothers had watched the Normans fall back, and they must have smiled in satisfaction at the sight, knowing that if they could just hold this formation, their army would be well nigh invincible. But when the Normans fled, Gurth and Leofwine, doubtless overcome with horror at the sight, spurred their mounts after them and tried to call them back, but it was too late. The Normans were already among them, butchering them. The impetuous sally of the Saxons on the right of the Saxon formation was observed by Duke William, who saw in it the key to finally breaking through the Saxon defense. Once more he ordered his left to make a fresh assault upon the right of the Saxon line, only this time they had orders to fall back, with the hope that the impetuous Saxons there would pursue as they had done before. The assault was made, not only on the right flank of the Saxon army, but all across the front. Once again, the roar of battle arose. One author describes the clash of arms:
Then the Norman lines closed on front and flanks, with thrust of lance, and fierce axe-play against the stout wooden piles, and all the while the heavy Saxon twibils rose and fell, crashing through Norman helm and shield, as horse and rider bit the dust, and from the Saxon rear the heavy javelins came whirling through the air. The dead and wounded lay thick on both sides of the palisades, and blood trickled and curdled in the dust. With unflinching courage the conflict was maintained, amid a tumult of discordant sounds: the clash and clatter of steel against steel, the groans of the wounded, and the sudden death-yells of those whose spirits fled as the axes came crashing through helm and brain-pan, or lance was driven sheer through corset and breast: above the heat and roar of the melee pealed the Saxon war-cry: “Christ’s Rood! the Holy Rood!” answered by the sonorous Norman death-cry: “Our lady of help! God be our help!”[29]

An artists depiction of the clash of Norman and Saxon in the Battle of Hastings
Wace records of two of the Norman nobility:
Henri the Sire de Ferrieres, and he who then held Tillieres, both these barons brought large[Pg 209] companies, and charged the English together. Dead or captive were all who did not flee before them, and the field quaked and trembled.On the other side was an Englishman who much annoyed the French, continually assaulting them with a keen edged hatchet. He had a helmet made of wood, which he had fastened down to his coat, and laced round his neck, so that no blows could[Pg 210] reach his head. The ravage he was making was seen by a gallant Norman knight, who rode a horse that neither fire nor water could stop in its career, when its lord urged it on. The knight spurred, and his horse carried him on well till he charged the Englishman, striking him over the helmet, so that it fell down over his eyes; and as he stretched out his hand to raise it and uncover his face, the Norman cut off his right hand, so that his hatchet fell to the ground. Another Norman sprung forward and eagerly seized the prize with both his hands, but he kept it little space, and paid dearly for it;[Pg 211] for as he stooped to pick up the hatchet, an Englishman with his long handled axe struck him over the back, breaking all his bones, so that his entrails and lungs gushed forth. The knight of the good horse meantime returned without injury; but on his way he met another Englishman, and bore him down under his horse, wounding him grievously, and trampling him altogether underfoot.[30]
On the left flank, “the palisade was partly broken down, but the English, with their shields and axes, still kept their ground, and the Normans were unable to gain the top of the hill, or to come near the standard.”[31] The Normans on the Saxon right fell back, and the exultant Saxons once more pursued them, again disregarding King Harold’s orders to the contrary, jeering at what they thought were the cowardly Normans. Master Wace reported:
“As they still flee, the English pursue; they push out their lances and stretch forth their hatchets: following the Normans, as they go rejoicing in the success of their scheme, and scattering themselves over the plain.”[32]
But it was all in vain. After retreating slowly, the Normans suddenly whirled round to meet their pursuers, and then the cavalry charged the onrushing Saxons. A fresh melee broke out. Wace described it:
…the one party assaulting the other; this man striking, another pressing onwards. One hits, another misses; one flies, another pursues: one is aiming a stroke, while another discharges his blow. Norman strives with Englishman again, and aims his blows afresh. One flies, another pursues swiftly: the combatants are many, the plain wide, the battle and the melée fierce. On every hand they fight hard, the blows are heavy, and the struggle becomes fierce.[33]
Master Wace describes some of the details of this struggle:
The Normans were playing their part well, when an English knight came rushing up, having in his company a hundred men, furnished with various arms. He wielded a northern hatchet, with the blade a full foot long; and was well armed after his manner, being tall, bold, and of noble carriage. In the front of the battle where the Normans thronged most, he came bounding on swifter than the stag, many Normans falling before him and his company. He rushed straight upon a Norman who was armed and riding on a warhorse, and tried with his hatchet of steel to cleave his helmet; but the blow miscarried, and the sharp blade glanced down before the saddle bow, driving through the horse’s neck down to the ground, so that both horse and master fell together to the earth. I know not whether the Englishman struck another blow; but the Normans who saw the stroke were astonished, and about to abandon the assault, when Rogier de Montgomeri came galloping up, with his lance set, and heeding not the long handled axe, which the Englishman wielded aloft, struck him down, and left him stretched upon the ground. Then Rogier cried out, “Frenchmen strike! the day is ours!” And again a fierce melée was to be seen, with many a blow of lance and sword; the English still defending themselves, killing the horses and cleaving the shields.
There was a French soldier of noble mien, who sat his horse gallantly. He spied two Englishmen who were also carrying themselves boldly. They were both men of great worth, and had become companions in arms and fought together, the one protecting the other. They bore two long and broad bills, and did great mischief to the Normans, killing both horses and men. The French soldier looked at them and their bills, and was sore alarmed, for he was afraid of losing his good horse, the best that he had; and would willingly have turned to some other quarter, if it would not have looked like cowardice. He soon, however, recovered his courage, and spurring his horse gave him the bridle, and galloped swiftly forward. Fearing the two bills, he raised his shield by the ‘enarmes,’ and struck one of the Englishmen with his lance on the breast, so that the iron passed out at his back. At the moment that he fell, the lance broke, and the Frenchman seized the mace that hung at his right side, and struck the other Englishman a blow that completely fractured his skull.[34]
The Saxons defended themselves gallantly, but vainly. Once again, they were butchered, though they made the Normans pay heavily for their successful ruse in blood. Wace reported that they acted “like fools,” “for if they had not moved from their position it is not likely that they would have been conquered at all…”[35] The reader has doubtless heard the expression, “Fool me once, shame on you, Fool me twice, shame on me.” Shame thus must be heaped onto the impetuous Saxons on the Saxon right, because Duke William pulled off his ruse of a feigned retreat on them a second time. Once again, he attacked the Saxon right, fell back, and the Saxons again pursued, only for the pursued to again turn on them and slaughter them. King Harold, in the center, was unable to exercise effective control of the troops there, which were not his huscarls, but untrained militia. But if they were untrained and undisciplined, they nevertheless bore themselves with valor. G.A. Henty wrote:
One party took possession of a small outlying hill, and with showers of darts and stones they killed or drove off all who attacked them. The greater part, however, made their way to broken ground to the west of the hill, and made a stand on the steep bank of a small ravine. The French horsemen charging down upon them, unaware of the existence of the ravine, fell into it, and were slaughtered in such numbers by the knives and spears of the Saxons, that the ravine was well-nigh filled up with their dead bodies.
But valiant though these men were in defense of their lives, they had made a terrible tactical error, and Duke William lost no time in taking advantage of the situation. The pursuit and subsequent slaughter of the Saxon soldiers that had foolishly pursued the Normans left the right of the Norman line undefended, and the Norman cavalry now rushed to the spot, and achieved a position on the right of the Saxon line. The Saxons had now lost the advantage of height. No longer would the Normans have to advance up the hill under the missile fire of the Saxons to attack virtually impregnable defenses from the front. Instead, the Normans could easily reach the top of the hill itself, to engage the Saxons from horseback on level ground. Even now the issue of the battle was in doubt, because although the Saxons had been outflanked and had lost the protection offered by their palisade, the Normans could only attack along a very narrow front, instead of along the whole face of the ridge. Nevertheless, the loss of the height advantage had been a major blow to the Saxons, and the situation was about to get worse for them.
The Wounding and Death of Harold
By this time, it was near 3:00 pm in the afternoon. Thus far, the Norman archers had not been able to do much damage to the Saxon defenses, for they had been shooting at an enemy occupying a position of height and behind a wooden palisade with shields for defense besides. But now Duke William’s cunning again paid off, as he ordered his archers to fire their arrows high into the air, so that the arrows would fall upon them like bolts from heaven. Naturally, the defense against such airborne missiles was to raise shields to absorb the arrows, but this defensive tactic William now robbed from his Saxon adversaries. He ordered his Norman knights to attack the Saxon center, and capture Harold’s banner. Thus, occupied in hand-to-hand combat, the Saxons would be at the mercy of the Norman arrow fire. William’s tactic paid off. Duke William and the knights under his personal command tried to cut their way through the interlocked shield wall of the Saxons which had now swung round to face them and presented a strong front. Duke William himself wished to take on King Harold in personal combat and tried to cut his way through to the king of England, whom the huscarls earnestly strove to protect. Wace reports:
One of them was a man of great strength, a wrestler, who did great mischief to the Normans with his hatchet; all feared him, for he struck down a great many Normans. The duke spurred on his horse, and aimed a blow at him, but he stooped, and so escaped the stroke; then jumping on one side, he lifted his hatchet aloft, and as the duke bent to avoid the blow, the Englishman boldly struck him on the head, and beat in his helmet, though without doing much injury. He was very near falling however, but bearing on his stirrups he recovered himself immediately; and when he thought to have revenged himself on the vagabond by killing him, the rogue had escaped, dreading the duke’s blow. He ran back in among the English, but he was not safe even there, for the Normans seeing him, pursued and caught him; and having pierced him through and through with their lances, left him dead on the ground.[36]
Harold’s brother Gurth now blocked William’s path, determined to protect the king’s person. He hurled his spear at William, missing, but skewering his horse, and it fell beneath William’s feet, the second horse he had lost thus far, in the battle. Now on foot, Duke William continued the battle on foot. Taking on the Saxon Earl with his mace, William slew him in hand-to-hand combat, bringing down his heavy mace onto the man’s head, and dropping him dead at his feet. At the same time, Harold’s brother Leofwine fell beneath the sword of Roger de Montgomerie. Slowly, the Norman cavalry pushed the Saxons back, but they bitterly contested the lost ground, and made the Normans pay for every inch of ground in blood. The Normans were often obliged to fight on foot, for the Saxon javelins took a terrible toll on their unarmored horses. That the Saxons were pushed back at all is only because they were rather distracted now, by the arrows flying into their faces. Wace explains: “…and the arrows in falling struck their heads and faces, and put out the eyes of many: and all feared to open their eyes, or leave their faces unguarded…the arrows now flew thicker than rain before the wind: fast sped the shafts…”[37]

King Harold is wounded and blinded by an arrow that puts out his eye
Despite the loss of his two brothers, King Harold was still in the center of his line, fighting in the van of his huscarls, and distinguishing himself in combat, performing many valiant deeds. As men fell all around him, King Harold made the fatal mistake of looking up, and an arrow tore through his face just above his right eye, putting it out. In terrible pain, Harold ripped the missile from his head, and broke it off. But the pain was agonizing, and Harold leaned heavily upon his shield. Twenty Norman knights now vowed to cut their way through to King Harold and carry off his standard. They faced a tough scrap in getting to it. The Saxon huscarls surrounded their wounded king and wouldn’t budge an inch. Wace records of one of the twenty knights:
Robert Fitz Erneis fixed his lance, took his shield, and galloping towards the standard with his keen-edged sword, struck an Englishman who was in front, killed him, and then drawing back his sword, attacked many others, and pushed straight for the standard, trying to beat it down; but the English surrounded it, and killed him with their bills. He was found on the spot, when they afterwards sought for him, dead, and lying at the standard’s foot.[38]
With their heavy axes the huscarls hewed down ten of the knights, but four managed to cut their way through to King Harold, whose shield had absorbed many arrows. Weak from pain and blood loss, he had sunk to the ground in agony. Despite the code of chivalry that bound knights, not all lived up to those high standards of the Christian soldier. These four belonged to that category. One blow fell on Harold’s upper leg, cutting his thigh to the bone; another fell on his head, another blow, delivered with the spear, skewered Harold through the breast, and with many blows, including one that removed his head, the four knights killed King Harold and bore off both his banners, planting in its place the banner from Rome that had been blessed by the pope. William for all for his faults (and he had them) was yet too chivalrous to abide by the cowardly way Harold had died, and he expelled one of these men, the one who had hewed Harold in the leg, from his army.
The issue of the battle had now been decided, and with the death of Harold there was no further reason to keep fighting for the Saxons. But the huscarls did not retreat; they stood their ground and fought to the last man. The fierce and desperate defense of these men was valiant, but it was in vain; the huscarls were tired; they had fought all day, and now evening was fast coming on. As the Normans continued to press them, they fell one by one, and slowly but surely, they were all were killed where they stood. Not a man lived to be taken prisoner or fled for his life. The reaction of the Saxon levies and militia was another matter. These men fought until the coming of darkness, and then finally fled the field, some alighting on captured Norman horses.
The Saxon Retreat
Jubilant over the victory they had just won, the Normans pursued the Saxons in the darkness, hoping to kill or capture their routed enemies. But that chore proved to be considerably harder than the Normans anticipated. The Normans did not know the country, and in the darkness, the Saxons turned on their pursuers and made them pay dearly for their victory. Duke William and his men at arms pursuing one strong body of Saxons, was counterattacked by this party, and many of William’s men at arms were killed, and William himself came very close to being slain as well, but he managed to extricate himself from this predicament. One of the knights slain was Count Eustace of Boulogne, struck in the back by a Saxon battle-axe, and he fell, blood pouring from his mouth and nose. It was revenge for King Harold, for Eustace had been one of the four knights that had cowardly dispatched the wounded man on the ground. Another party of levies fled across a bog. The Normans, not knowing the country, followed, but got bogged down in the marsh. Some drowned, and the Saxons turned upon their pursuers and slew many others with axe and spear as soon as they saw their plight. The exultant Normans rode right over the bodies of the Saxons as they pursued the fugitives. Duke William ordered his pavilion set up on the top of the hill, which was cleared of corpses, and here William held a midnight feast, celebrating his victory with the important nobles and knights of his army.
The Burial of King Harold
The next day was Sunday, and Duke William went out and oversaw the burial of his dead men. It had indeed been a costly victory. The battle had cost him a fourth of his army in casualties, some 15,000 men out of 60,000 while the Saxons had lost roughly half of their forces. The women of the country roundabout came to carry off their dead relatives for burial. Duke William, now that victory had been won, believed that the English crown was as good as on his head, and therefore decided that the best course of action was to be gracious towards the English people. Accordingly, he allowed the women to carry off their kinfolk for burial. This graciousness, however, he did not extend to Harold’s mother, Gurtha, who arrived to carry off the body of her dead son so that he could be buried at Waltham. Duke William refused her request. A perjured man, he said, excommunicated by the pope, would not receive a Christian burial. Instead, he ordered the corpse to be buried under a heap of rocks on the beach, sneeringly adding that “he guarded the coast while was alive, let him thus continue to guard it after death.” But Gurtha persisted in her appeals, and William at last relented, and so King Harold’s mutilated corpse was finally laid to rest at Waltham in his tomb.
Aftermath
The battle of Hastings proved one of the most decisive in world history. The death of Harold and of his brothers removed the last of any serious contenders for the English throne from the scene. There was thus no one to challenge Duke William’s claim to the throne. Although the battle did not secure for Duke William the whole of England, those portions lacked anyone they could rally around who could take up King Harold’s crown. Duke William thus was permitted to subdue the rest of England little by little, and though he faced resistance, he crushed all revolts, and by the end of three years was in complete possession of all England. Two months after the battle, he was formally crowned king, on Christmas Day. William the Conqueror had become king of England. A new era in English history had come to pass, ushered in by the Norman conquest of England. For the Normans brought in Norman customs, laws, and the feudal system to England. But the effects of the battle of Hastings upon history were not merely political. Militarily, the battle’s significance and impact were profound. The defeat of an army of infantrymen by an army of primarily cavalry solidified the place of the armored knight in the Medieval army for the next several centuries. The supremacy of the mounted aristocratic knight over the peasant foot soldier would continue until the end of the of the Middle Ages, and would not be challenged, much less defeated, until the battles of Agincourt and Crecy in the Hundred Years War, a war that was directly brought on by the Norman conquest.
Bibliography
Battles That Changed History: Key Battles That Decided the Fate of Nations (London, United Kingdom: Amber Books Ltd., 2010)
Edgar Taylor Esq. (trans.) Master Wace: His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest from the Roman Fe Rou (London, William Pickering, 1837)
Sir Edward Creasey The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World From Marathon to Waterloo: (Harper and Brothers Publishers: New York and London, 1918) [New and Enlarged Edition]
James Grant British Battles on Land And Sea (Cassell, Petter & Galpin: London, Paris & New York, 1873) Volume I
Sir Evelyn Wood British Battles on Land and Sea: With a History of the Fighting Services and Notes by the Editor (London, England: Cassell And Company, Ltd. 1915) Volume I
Edward Lamplough Yorkshire Battles (London, UK: Simpken, Marshall, Hamiltion, Kent and Company, 1891)
George B. Hereford Battles of English History (London, UK, Methuen and Company, 1895)
G.A. Henty Wulf the Saxon: A Story of the Norman Conquest
William O. Stoddard Ned, the son of Webb, and what he did. (Boston, Dana Estes and Company, 1900)
Hilaire Beloc The Book of the Bayeux Tapestry (London: UK, Chatto and Windus, 1914)
Edward A. Freeman A Short History of the Norman Conquest of England (London, Edinburgh, New York and Toronto: Oxford-Clarendon Press, 1908)
Endnotes
[1] Most of the information in this paragraph taken from Battles That Changed History: Key Battles That Decided the Fate of Nations (London, United Kingdom: Amber Books Ltd., 2010) pp. 112-113
[2] Edgar Taylor Esq. (trans.) Master Wace: His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest from the Roman Fe Rou (London, William Pickering, 1837) pp. 78-80
[3] Sir Edward Creasey The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World From Marathon to Waterloo: (Harper and Brothers Publishers: New York and London, 1918) [New and Enlarged Edition] p. 265
[4] Ibid p. 265-266
[5] Edgar Taylor Esq. (trans.) Master Wace: His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest from the Roman Fe Rou (London, William Pickering, 1837) p. 85
[6] Sir Edward Creasey The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World From Marathon to Waterloo: (Harper and Brothers Publishers: New York and London, 1918) [New and Enlarged Edition] p. 266
[7] Edgar Taylor Esq. (trans.) Master Wace: His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest from the Roman Fe Rou (London, William Pickering, 1837) p. 86
[8] Sir Edward Creasey The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World From Marathon to Waterloo: (Harper and Brothers Publishers: New York and London, 1918) [New and Enlarged Edition] p. 267
[9] Edgar Taylor Esq. (trans.) Master Wace: His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest from the Roman Fe Rou (London, William Pickering, 1837) p. 95
[10] Sir Edward Creasey The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World From Marathon to Waterloo: (Harper and Brothers Publishers: New York and London, 1918) [New and Enlarged Edition] p. 267
[11] Ibid
[12] Ibid p. 268
[13] Edgar Taylor Esq. (trans.) Master Wace: His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest from the Roman Fe Rou (London, William Pickering, 1837) p. 117
[14] Sir Edward Creasey The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World From Marathon to Waterloo: (Harper and Brothers Publishers: New York and London, 1918) [New and Enlarged Edition] p. 268
[15] James Grant British Battles on Land And Sea (Cassell, Petter & Galpin: London, Paris & New York, 1873) I:4
[16] Ibid p. 5
[17] Sir Evelyn Wood British Battles on Land and Sea: With a History of the Fighting Services and Notes by the Editor (London, England: Cassell And Company, Ltd. 1915) I:34
[18] James Grant British Battles on Land And Sea (Cassell, Petter & Galpin: London, Paris & New York, 1873) I:5
[19] Edgar Taylor Esq. (trans.) Master Wace: His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest from the Roman Fe Rou (London, William Pickering, 1837) p. 135
[20] Ibid p. 136
[21] Sir Edward Creasey The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World From Marathon to Waterloo: (Harper and Brothers Publishers: New York and London, 1918) [New and Enlarged Edition] p. 274
[22] Edgar Taylor Esq. (trans.) Master Wace: His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest from the Roman Fe Rou (London, William Pickering, 1837) p. 137
[23] Ibid pp. 137-138
[24] Ibid pp. 138-139
[25] Sir Edward Creasey The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World From Marathon to Waterloo: (Harper and Brothers Publishers: New York and London, 1918) [New and Enlarged Edition] p. 276
[26] Edgar Taylor Esq. (trans.) Master Wace: His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest from the Roman Fe Rou (London, William Pickering, 1837) p. 143
[27] Ibid p. 155
[28] James Grant British Battles on Land And Sea (Cassell, Petter & Galpin: London, Paris & New York, 1873) p. 8
[29] Edward Lamplough Yorkshire Battles (London, UK: Simpken, Marshall, Hamiltion, Kent and Company, 1891) p. 36
https://www.gutenberg.org/files/44852/44852-h/44852-h.htm#Page_36
[30] Edgar Taylor Esq. (trans.) Master Wace: His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest from the Roman Fe Rou (London, William Pickering, 1837) pp. 209-211 I have placed this incident here in the article because it had to go somewhere, but neither Wace nor his translator state at what point in the action this incident occurred.
[31] Edward A. Freeman A Short History of the Norman Conquest of England (London, Edinburgh, New York and Toronto: Oxford-Clarendon Press, 1908) pp. 81-82 https://www.gutenberg.org/files/68963/68963-h/68963-h.htm#toclink_76
[32] Edgar Taylor Esq. (trans.) Master Wace: His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest from the Roman Fe Rou (London, William Pickering, 1837) p. 199
[33] Ibid p. 200
[34] Ibid pp. 200-202
[35] Ibid p. 199
[36] Edgar Taylor Esq. (trans.) Master Wace: His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest from the Roman Fe Rou (London, William Pickering, 1837) p. 250
[37] Ibid pp. 197-198
[38] Ibid pp. 240-241